© Media
Watch 11 (1) 191-205, 2020
ISSN
0976-0911 | E-ISSN 2249-8818
DOI:
10.15655/mw/2020/v11i1/49756
Diversity of News Sources in
Climate Change
Reporting
in Pakistani Press
RASHID ALI KHUHRO1, HAMEDI
MOHD ADNAN2,
MOHSIN HASSAN KHAN3, &
ROHAIL ASGHAR4
1,2,3University of Malaya, Malaysia
1University of Sindh, Pakistan
4Superior University, Pakistan
This study examines the
diversity of news sources in climate change reporting in the Pakistani press. A
longitudinal quantitative content analysis of climate change reporting of five
significant climate change-related events such as Earth Summit ((1992), Rio de
Janeiro, Kyoto Protocol (1997), Ratification of Kyoto Protocol Globally (2005),
COP15 (2009) Copenhagen and COP21 (2015) Paris is conducted. The samples were
selected through systematic random sampling technique by choosing every
alternate day of newspapers’ publications. A total of 1498 diverse news sources
were found in 324 climate change-related stories during the five events
mentioned above. The findings of this study revealed that elite sources
dominated the marginalized sources collectively in coverage of the three
newspapers during the five events. However, the climate
change-related event/incidents represented highly in the reporting of Pakistani
press. Further, a thin proportion of mentions of media-related sources
such as News agencies and Journalists also found. Thus, this study recommends
that similar studies should be conducted on news content of other soft and hard
issues in Pakistani press to examine the diversity of sources.
Keywords: News, source, elite source,
non-elite source, climate change, reporting, Pakistani press
News sources play a significant role in the formation and
structure of news stories. News stories are unthinkable without contemporary
sources (Carlson & Franklin, 2011). In that context, Turk (1985)
objected with news definition of what happens and defined it as what
a news source says has happened.’ According to Gans
(1979), news sources are actors whom journalists observe or interview,
including those who are quoted and those who only supply background information
or story suggestions. The reason behind the inclusion of sources in the stories
is these sources’ credibility and authority in the news (Reich, 2011; Schudson, 2011). The news sources are the lifeblood
for journalists (Mencher, 2011). That is why the relationship
between reporters and their sources is considered as the basis of journalism.
In journalistic routines of the newsgathering process, the journalists have to
meet deadlines in the pre-decided time limitations (Broersma
& Graham, 2012; O’neill & O’Connor, 2008).
That is why media practitioners build strong relationships with credible
sources (Berkowitz, 2009; Shoemaker & Reese, 2013).
Another reason for the use of
reliable sources is the presentation of their ideas by the
journalists were restricted by their superiors or owners of their organizations
(Hamilton & Lawrence, 2010). The principle of not including the personal
version of opinions in the news, newsgathering became a process of putting a
picture of an event together through the accounts of sources, documentary as
well as human (Berkowitz, 2009; Hamilton & Lawrence, 2010). The expression
of ideas given by the sources helps to build agenda for the specific issues (Grilli, Ramsay, & Minozzi,
2002; Nielsen & Nordestgaard, 2015; Wallington,
Blake, Taylor-Clark, & Viswanath, 2010) and the
perspective of the sources provide thoroughness to the story. Moreover,
scholars have examined the variation of the sources in the news coverage of
different issues. First of all, most of them
have revealed that government/official/elite sources get priority in the
news content of the media(Althaus, Edy, Entman, & Phalen, 1996; Cook, 1998; Entman
& Page, 1994; Gans, 1979; Gitlin, 2003; Hallin, Manoff, & Weddle,
1993; Lacy & Coulson, 2000; Maddison
& Watts, 2012; Powell & Self, 2003; Sigal,
1973; Tanner, Friedman, & Zheng, 2015; Walejko & Ksiazek, 2008;
Watts & Maddison, 2014). Second, Public Relations
(PR) sources, which are called information subsidy by (Gandy, 1982) get
priority in the news content. Though, the media organizations are highly
dependent on the PR practitioners, but scholars are of the opinion that
journalists have negative attitude towards the public practitioners (Cameron, Sallot, & Curtin, 1997; Curtin, 1999; Kopenhaver, Martinson, & Ryan, 1984; Pincus, Rimmer, Rayfield, & Cropp, 1993; Sallot & Johnson, 2006; Turk, 1985).
In contrast, most of the previous studies
have explored that media organizations and journalists use
government/official/elite sources; they compromise most of the time, citizens
or marginalized sources. However, Gandy (1982) has criticized the dependency of
journalists on the elite sources by calling it giving undue attention over
marginalized sources. Kleemans, Schaap,
and Hermans (2015) elaborated that there is a big
difference between elite and official/institutional sources (e.g., politicians,
officials, governments) and non-elite sources.
According to Splendore
(2017) many scholars (Ahva, 2012; Canter, 2013; Jönsson & Örnebring, 2011; Kleemans et al., 2015; Thorbjørnsrud
& Ustad Figenschou,
2014) have examined the inclusion of non-elite sources except elite source in
their daily routine (Berkowitz, 2009; Carlson, 2009; Manning, 2000).
Nevertheless, the proportion of sources is low as compare to the elite sources.
The current media scenario and settings of online local news highlight the role
of non-elite sources in journalism practices (Ahva,
2012; Canter, 2013; Chen et al., 2017; Kleemans et
al., 2015). The majority of these studies concluded that non-elite or
marginalized sources are compromised by the journalists of over
official/government/elite sources.
Climate change is one of the essential
global news stories of the century (Wyss, 2019). During the last three decades, media has played a crucial role in
giving coverage to these issues (Anderson, 2009; Boykoff,
2014; Hart & Feldman, 2014; Ungar, 2014). It has
remained as a significant issue in the global media coverage as compared to
other issues (Hiles & Hinnant,
2014; Ward, 2008). However, most often, the coverage of this issue remains
unstable. Sometimes it goes high, and suddenly it drops down. The studies have
exposed that there is a decline in the coverage of climate in both developed
and developing countries (Kakonge, 2013; Shanahan,
2009; Takahashi & Meisner, 2012).
Though, there is a lack of sources of
diversity in media reporting (Bennett, 1990; Coulson
& Lacy, 1998; Salomone, Greenberg, Sandman, &
Sachsman, 1990; Tuchman, 1978). The elite sources
dominate in the media coverage generally (Powell & Self, 2003).
Specifically, similar patterns prevailed in a study about climate change.
Government sources dominated in climate coverage (Trumbo, 1996). In another
study about environmental conflicts, only 20 percent of articles mentioned
activist groups. However, remaining all articles focused on industrial sources
(Taylor, Lee, & Davie, 2000). Similarly, in a study, Kensicki
(2004) found that in mainstream media coverage, environmentalists, activists,
and lower strata interest groups were mentioned occasionally. Howard-Williams
(2009) revealed that over the period media had prioritized government sources
upon scientists for climate change coverage. The studies mentioned above found
that, like all other issues, there is a lack of sources of diversity in climate
change coverage. Most of the time, journalists rely on official sources for
their stories.
In the literature, there is a lack of
studies about the diversity of sources in the Pakistani press generally and
specifically about climate coverage. That is why this study examines the
diversity of news sources in climate change reporting in the Pakistani press.
For this purpose, three highly circulated daily newspapers Dawn
(English), Jang (Urdu), and Kawish
(Sindhi) have been selected for the analysis. The researchers have selected the
coverage of five significant climate change-related events organized by United
Nations Frameworks on Convention on Climate Change. The events are Earth Summit
(1992), Kyoto Protocol (1997), Ratification of Kyoto Protocol (2005), Climate
Change Conference of Parties (COP15) (2009), and COP21 (2015). The specific
research objectives of this study are:
RO1: To determine the diversity of news sources in
climate change coverage in Pakistani press,
RO2: To compare dominant news sources covered by
three different language Pakistani newspapers, and
RO3: To
contrast diversity of sources used in Pakistani press during the above five
climate change-related global events.
This study would also respond to the
following research questions are:
RQ1: What prominent sources categories Pakistani
press has used in climate change reporting?
RQ2: How does source diversity differ in climate
change reporting among different languages Pakistani newspapers?
RQ3: Is there any diversity among sources
categories used by Pakistani press during climate change-related significant
global events?
Literature Review
The sources are vital essentials for the news media (Ekman & Widholm, 2015).
According to Gans (1979), sources are ‘actors whom
journalists observe or interview, including...those who are quoted... and those
who only supply background information or story suggestions.’ Though, it is the
newsgathering process requirement that journalists are bound to use a variety
of reliable sources to make credible stories for the public. That is why to
fulfill that requirement of gathering information from diverse sources in the
shape of facts and quotes (Brook, Kennedy, Moen, & Ranly,
2002), the reporters contact with witnesses of the events and experts (Lacy
& Coulson, 2000). It makes news impartial (Mencher, 2011)because the
inclusion of the reporter’s version in the story makes it partial (Lee & Koh, 2010; Wheatley, 2018).
Many scholars call the relationship
between journalists and their sources a base of journalism (Broersma
& Graham, 2012; O’neill & O’Connor, 2008).
The journalists develop news stories as a result of several interactions and
societal contexts (Tiffen et al., 2013). In the set
time limitations, the journalists have to meet deadlines. It compels them to
build strong relationships with credible sources(Berkowitz,
2009; Shoemaker & Reese, 2013). Studies have outlined accessibility, time
(deadlines), space, and technology the most prominent real-world constraints
for the journalists (Berkowitz, 2009; Dimitrova &
Strömbäck, 2009; Kleemans
et al., 2015; Pavlik, 2000; Shoemaker & Reese,
1996).
Though the journalist and source
relationship are reciprocal, the bases of this relationship are that
journalists need information, and the sources need media exposure (Ciboh, 2017). Likewise, Berkowitz (2009) calls the
dependence between journalists and politicians is
planned sensibly in an affiliation (Davis, 2009). However, this reliance is a
troubled give and take between both stakeholders and media
practitioners. Nevertheless, this reciprocal relationship becomes problematic
between both stakeholders when a single party asks for a favour
(Berkowitz, 2009; Strömbäck et al., 2013). Except
that there are many other internal and external
factors like journalists’ personal biases, ideology, and political inclination,
which affect the credibility of the sources in the eyes of the journalists. In
the result, the journalists’ disagreement with sources,
reduces their chances to be cited in the stories (Lichter,
Rothman, & Lichter, 1986; Stocking & LaMarca, 1990).
According to Napoli
(1999)use of diverse sources in the news is a ‘marketplace
of ideas’ means to give readers and audience information about happening
from different perspectives. Though the practice of diverse sources increases
the importance of the stories, another reason is that the selection of sources
affects the perception of readers about the story (Fico & Soffin, 1994). News sources become helpful in defining the
form of a news story (Gans, 2004). The sources
influence the framing of social problems and impacts on public and policy
agenda about the same (Iyengar, 1994). The variation
in news sources about environment and health issues plays a crucial role in
communicating with the public about risk. The source diversity in such issues
increases the credibility of the story for the readers (Cozma,
2006). Likewise, Hansen (1991) observed that the decrease in the diversity of
sources would impact the information available to both the public and
policy-makers.
There is a difference in source usage
between local and mainstream media. It is revealed that local media
organizations use diverse sources than mainstream media (Martin, 1988). Voakes, Kapfer, Kurpius, and Chern (1996) and Watts
and Maddison (2014) have also proposed similar
findings that local and mainstream newspapers that less circulated newspapers
had more significant source variation than mainstream newspapers. Shanahan
(2009) In a study about the environmental conflict in
the Yellowstone Park area, Shanahan (2009) concluded that media outlets
operating locally have more tendency to choose local sources. However,
mainstream newspapers chose sources other than Yellowstone Park area too
(Brown, Bybee, Wearden,
& Straughan, 1986).
Usually, the scholars have segregated the
news sources into two categories, i.e., elite and non-elite sources. The elite
sources are politicians, government officials, institutions, and experts.
However, the non-elite sources, which are also called marginalized sources, are
citizens or those voices according to which are given less space in the news
content. Similarly, Welker (2011) categorized the sources as distance sources
for official (ministries, government organizations), professionals (companies,
non-governmental organizations), and non-professional (ordinary citizens)
sources.
Many scholars have examined and concluded
that the majority of news sources in the news content around the globe are
official/government/elite sources studies (Althaus et
al., 1996; Cook, 1998; Entman & Page, 1994; Gans, 1979; Gitlin, 2003; Hallin et al., 1993; Lacy & Coulson,
2000; Maddison & Watts, 2012; Powell & Self,
2003; Sigal, 1973; Tanner et al., 2015; Walejko & Ksiazek, 2008;
Watts & Maddison, 2014). Similarly, several studies
examine that news stories are dominated by institutional sources (Schudson, 1995, 2011). It is the result of exchanges
between journalists and government officials (Schudson,
2011). Their traits like authority, trustworthiness, accessibility make it
easier for elite sources to get attention from the media (Kovach & Rosenstiel, 2014).
Additionally, these sources are helpful
during tight work schedules to meet deadlines with less effort. These sources
require less labor as compared to other sources (Lacy & Coulson,
2000). According to Sigal (1974), the official and
government agencies’ sources are routine news channels. These sources
are frequently used in all types of news stories. In another study, Berkowitz
(1987) showed that at least 50 half of all sources were associated with some
governmental agency. Similarly, Maddison and Watts
(2012) have also exhibited that it is clear from the media agenda that official
sources get priority, and most of the stories are reflect government policy.
In developed countries, politicians have
the privilege to become sources (Davis, 2009; Wolfsfeld
& Sheafer, 2006). The politician use official and
unofficial information subsidies (Gandy, 1982) as a means to influence
journalists (Ciboh, 2017). Formally, politicians hold
media-friendly events. They distribute material such as handouts, press
releases, details of press conferences, video news releases, press briefings,
politicization, and special reports among journalists and media houses (Lewis,
Williams, & Franklin, 2008). These techniques make it convenient for
journalists to develop stories. The politicians give selective opinions about
public issues; it compels journalists to give them more attention (Macias,
2012).
In a study about the European Parliamentary elections
campaigns 2009, Strömbäck et al. (2013) concluded
that official sources dominated the media representation. Overall, the study
found that local politicians were dominant sources following by international
official sources and representatives of the EU. However, this study also shows
the evidence about the regular representation of ordinary people and
journalists as sources too. Kang, Gearhart, and Bae
(2010), in research about the coverage of
Alzheimer’s disease, examined 1371 TV news transcripts presented on six
television stations during 25 years (1984-2008) period. The researcher
concluded that primary sources were doctors, researchers, and politicians in
stories about the disease (Artwick, 2014).
Moreover, public
relations sources recognized as information subsidies (Gandy, 1982) are
considered as significant elite sources for news stories. Though, the
journalists do not have positive attitude towards PR sources (Kopenhaver et al., 1984; Sallot
& Johnson, 2006) and are rated lower in comparison to other elite sources
(Len-Rios et al., 2009), but journalists are compelled to use them to meet
deadline pressure (Cameron et al., 1997; Cho & Cameron, 2007). After
frequent use of the Internet, the journalist is compelled to use information
subsidies (Len-Rios et al., 2009). According to Cameron et al. (1997),
journalists do not trust public relations practitioners because of the
development of stories to serve their own vested-interested for their customers.
It decreases the credibility of stories for a journalist who tries to remain
impartial. Many other researchers also supported a similar notion (Cameron et
al., 1997; Curtin, 1999; Pincus et al., 1993; Turk,
1985). Lewis et al. (2008) explored that 60% of news stories in the United
Kingdom (UK) received totally or partially form Public Relations (PRs) usually
the media outlets used material as it cut-pasted material from the press
releases.
Another reason the journalists and media
organizations do not like to use PR sources. It tries to control journalists to
use a single source that has its clear harms. These PR practitioners try to
control the flow of information or give only positive information to build the
image of their organization. Thus, though the news comes from a credible source
lacks most of the pertinent facts (Matthews, 2013).
The non-elite sources category is the
second potential type of news source. It is also called the marginalized
sources by the scholars. In a study, Gandy (1982) criticized that journalists
are dependent on elite sources and pay undue attention towards the non-elite
sources. The scholars argued that there is significant variation between use
elite and
non-elite sources in the news content (Kleemans et
al., 2015).
According to Splendore
(2017) many scholars (Ahva, 2012; Canter, 2013; Jönsson & Örnebring, 2011; Kleemans et al., 2015; Thorbjørnsrud
& Ustad Figenschou,
2014) have examined the inclusion of non-elite sources except elite source in
their daily routine (Berkowitz, 2009; Carlson, 2009; Manning, 2000). The
current media scenario and settings of online local news highlight the role of
non-elite sources in journalism practices (Ahva,
2012; Canter, 2013; Chen et al., 2017; Kleemans et
al., 2015).
News sources help to know about the kind
of news story (Gans, (2004), There is a significant influence of
sources on the framing of social issues. The sources affect both public and
policy agendas about social problems (Iyengar, 1994).
It is also revealed in a study by Cozma (2006) that
the usage of various sources in stories about environmental and health issues
plays a significant part in interacting with the masses about risk. The source
diversity in such issues increases the credibility of the story for the readers
(Cozma, 2006). Prasad and Balraj
(2013) conducted a research on developing media literacy practices among
Malaysian secondary school students found that despite difficulties in
understanding the environment and critical media inquiry, students are quick to
learn and are able to engage in video making on environment in a productive
way.
However, climate change is also an
environmental issue associated with global warming. This issue has got the
status of an equal threat to the whole world. It has been discussed in the
media around the globe. Though not many studies are found in the research about
climate change, Trumbo (1996) explored that the primary sources of climate
change reporting were government officials. Similarly, Howard-Williams (2009)
revealed that over the period media had prioritized government sources upon
scientists for climate change coverage. Likewise, Coulson
and Lacy (1998) examined that identified the lack of source diversity in print
media coverage about vehicle regulations and dominance of government and
industrial sources over environmentalists, scientists, and conditioned citizens
(Coulson & Lacy, 1998). In another study about
environmental conflicts, only 20 percent of articles mentioned activist groups.
However, remaining all articles focused on industrial sources (Taylor et al.,
2000).
In an era of rapid economic
transformations and attendant anxieties, the quest for sustainable development
has been a major discursive engagement (Dash & Dash, 2019). The study uses
three case studies to discuss how electronic media promotes the discourse of
ecological entrepreneurship (EE)—the UN's new media engagement, YouTube as a
source of EE knowledge and action, and ‘Your Story’ as a site for promoting
green start-ups. The finding revealed that the new media has come a long way to
forward the transformative discourse of EE that can stimulate the appropriate
behavior leading to the green social economy (Dash & Dash, 2019).
Similarly, in a study by Kensicki (2004) found that in mainstream media coverage,
environmentalists, activists, and lower strata interest groups were mentioned
occasionally. However, most of the studies have exhibited that
official/government/elite sources dominated the climate change stories.
Nevertheless, the researchers found a lack of research regarding the Pakistani
press in the latest literature. Thus, this study would contribute to the
knowledge about a variety of sources used in climate change reporting Pakistani
press.
Methodology
The data for this longitudinal study has been collected through a
quantitative content analysis method. Three highly circulated Pakistani daily
newspapers Dawn, Jang, and Kawish
considered for the analysis. The systematic random sampling method was used
to select samples from the five highly significant climate change-related
events organized by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCC). These events are Earth Summit (1992), Rio de Janeiro, Kyoto
Protocol (1997), Ratification of Kyoto Protocol (2005), Conference of Parties
(COP15) (2009), and COP21 (2015). Three months data collected for each event,
which include one month before and one month after the event held. Every alternate day of the publication
has been selected for the analysis. A total of 229 publication days were
considered systematically for the study.
Based on the past studies (Armstrong, 2004; Beckers
& Aelst, 2019; Brown et al., 1986; Carlson, 2010;
Dimitrova & Strömbäck,
2009; Grabe, Zhou, & Barnett, 1999; Greenberg, Sandman,
Sachsman, & Salomone,
1989; Hallin et al., 1993; Kleemans
et al., 2015; Lee & Koh, 2010; Leuven, Heinrich,
& Deprez, 2015; Maddison
& Watts, 2012; Powell & Self, 2003; Powers & Fico, 1994; Soloski, 1989; Stroobant, Dobbelaer, & Raeymaeckers,
2018; Taylor et al., 2000; Trumbo, 1996) a coding sheet was designed. The
eleven sources such as Climate change-related event/incident; Federal,
provincial and local government officials; Political party/politicians; NGOs,
Environmental interest groups, Business interest groups; Educational/research
institutions; Skeptics; Citizens; News agencies, and Journalists are considered for coding.
To check inter-coder reliability, a total
of 324 climate change stories were coded and the results tested in SPSS
software. In the descriptive analysis, Crosstabs were selected, and coders’
data was analysed with the help of Cohen’s Kappa. In
Crosstabs, the Kappa test was conducted to know the inter-coder reliability. It
ranged from 1.00 to 0.70, with the most variables falling into the middle or
accurate to the 1.00.
Findings
This study found 324 climate change-related stories in three daily
newspapers, i.e., Dawn (English), Jang (Urdu), and Kawish
(Sindhi). The items for the analysis were news stories, editorials, columns, articles,
features, letter to the editors, and
interviews published during the study period.
Table
1.
Frequency of source on climate change reporting in the Pakistani press
News source Frequency Percent
Climate change-related event/incident 288 19.24
Federal, provincial and local government officials 270 18.04
Politicians/political party 206 13.77
Environmental interest groups 183 12.21
Citizens 133 8.87
Educational/research institution 123 8.21
NGOs 81 5.40
News agencies 78 5.20
Business interest groups 68 4.53
Journalists 39 2.60
Skeptics 29 1.93
Total 1498 100%
Table 1 presents the findings for RO1 and RQ2. The result
shows that a total of 1498 different sources are found in the 324 climate
change stories during five significant events. A sizeable proportion of source
288 (19.24%) are about the Climate change-related event/incident; while 270
(18.04%) Federal, provincial, and local government officials; 206 (13.77%)
Politicians/political party; 183 (12.21%) Environmental interest groups; 133
(8.87%) Citizens; 123 (8.21%) Educational/research institution; 81 (5.40%) NGOs;
78 (5.20%) News agencies, 68 (4.53%) Business interest groups, 39 (2.60%)
Journalists; and 29 (1.93%) Skeptics’ mentions. This
study considers the Federal, provincial and local government officials;
Politicians/political party; Environmental interest groups, Educational/research
institution; NGOs; Business interest groups; and Skeptics as elite source. The amount of mentions of
these elite sources is 960 (64.07%). However, the second-highest proportion of
sources is Climate change-related event/incidents 288 (19.24%). Thus, the
findings revealed that elite sources dominate the climate change news stories
in Pakistani press whereas the Citizen or marginalized source is
underrepresented.
Table 2 presents the findings for RO2 and RQ2. The results
reveal that out of a total of 1498 different sources, 858 (57.27%) sources are
found in 181 climate change stories of Dawn. The newspaper reported
Climate change-related event/incident 156
(18.18%); Federal, provincial and local government officials 152 (17.71%);
Politician/political party 124 (14.45%); Environmental interest groups 113
(13.17%); Citizens 72 (8.8%); Educational/research institution 68 (7.92%); NGOs
41 (4.77%), News agencies 57 (6.65%), Business interest groups 38 (4.42%),
Journalists 23 (2.68%); and Skeptics 14 (1.63%). The elite sources (Federal,
provincial and local government officials, Politicians/political party,
Educational/research institution, NGOs, Business interest groups, and Skeptics)
dominated the climate change coverage of Dawn which is 550 (64.10%).
Similarly, out of the total
number, 283 (18.82%) sources are found in 68 climate change-related stories in Jang
(Urdu). The newspaper reported Climate change-related event/incident 61
(21.55%); Federal, provincial and local government officials 57 (17.71%),
Politicians/political party 38 (13.42%); Environmental interest groups 28
(9.90%); Citizens 26 (9.18%); Educational/research institution 20 (7.06%); NGOs
14 (4.95%); News agencies 15 (5.30%); Business interest groups 13 (4.60%);
Journalists 4 (1.42%); and Skeptics 7 (2.48%). The elite sources also dominated
in Jang newspaper with a proportion of 177 (62.54%).
The
Table 2 findings also revealed that out of a total of 1498 sources, 357
(23.83%) sources on climate change reported in Kawish
(Sindhi) newspaper. Among these sources, the Climate change-related
event/incident is 71 (19.88%); Federal, provincial and local government
officials 61 (71.08%); Politicians/political party 44 (12.32%); Environmental
interest groups 42 (11.76%); Citizens 35 (9.80%); Educational/research
institutions 35 (9.80%); NGOs 26 (7.29%); News agencies 6 (1.69%); Business
interest groups 17 (4.76%); Journalists 12 (3.36%); and Skeptics 8 (2.24%). In
this case also the elite sources dominated in the Kawish
newspaper with a proportion of 233 (65.26%).
Table
3 presents findings for RO3 and RQ3. The
result shows that out of a total of 1498 sources found in the 324 climate
change stories in three study newspapers, 400 (26.70%) sources are found in 79
stories during Earth Summit (1992). Out of the total 400 sources found during
Earth Summit (1992); Climate change-related event/incident was 66 (16.5%),
Federal, provincial, and local government officials 76 (19%),
Politician/political party 62 (15.5%), Environmental interest groups 52 (13%),
Citizens 39 (9.75%), Educational/research institution 34 (8.5%), NGOs 11
(2.75%), News agencies 29 (7.25%), Business interest groups 15 (3.75%),
Journalists 14 (3.5%), and Skeptics 2 (0.5%). The findings revealed that elite
sources dominated during Earth Summit (1992) with the mentions of 252 (63%).
The Climate change-related event/incident 66 (16.5%) stood at the second
position. The findings show that elite sources dominated during Earth Summit
(1992).
It was also revealed that out of the
total sources reported in climate change stories in the Pakistani press, 127
(8.47%) sources are found during Kyoto Protocol (1997). Among them, Climate change-related
event/incident 21 (16.53%), Federal, provincial and local government officials
23 (18.11%), Politician/political party 20 (15.74%), Environmental interest
groups 13 (11.02%), Citizens 13 (10.23%), Educational/research institutions (10
(7.87%), NGOs 5 (3.93%), News agencies 9 (7.08%), Business interest groups 5
(3.93%), Journalists 2 (1.57%), and Skeptics 5 (3.93%). The findings revealed
that elite sources dominated in climate change reporting in Pakistani press
during the Kyoto Protocol (1997) with a proportion of 82 (64.56%). The second
highest number mentions found in Climate change-related event/incident with 21
(16.53%).
The findings revealed that 270 (18.02%)
out of the total sources, 65 climate change stories were found during the
Ratification of Kyoto Protocol (2005) in Pakistan press. Among them, Climate
change-related event/incident 53 (19.62%), Federal, provincial and local
government officials 47 (17.40%), Politician/political party 34 (12.59%),
Environmental interest groups 40 (14.82%), Citizens 26 (9.62%), Educational/research
institution 18 (6.66%), NGOs 15 (5.55%), News agencies 12 (4.44%) 13 (4.82%),
Business interest groups 12 (4.44%), Journalists 7 (2.62%), and Skeptics 5
(1.86%). The finding of the comparison of sources in climate change reporting
during the Ratification Kyoto Protocol (2005) in Pakistani press found that
elite sources dominated with a proportion of 177 (63.33%). Nonetheless, second
number mentions found the Climate change-related event/incident 53 (19.62%)
sources.
Additionally, the findings reveal that 202 (13.48%)
sources out of the 1498 have been found in 43 climate change stories in
Pakistani press during the Conference of Parties COP15 (2009). Nevertheless,
out of the 202 Climate change-related event/incident 40 (19.80%), Federal, provincial,
and local government officials 36 (17.82%), Politician/political party 23
(11.38%), Environmental interest groups 26 (12.87%), Citizens 18 (8.92%),
Educational/research institutions 17 (8.42%), NGOs 14 (6.93%), News agencies 10
(4.95%), Business interest groups 13 (6.44%), Journalists 2 (0.99%), and
Skeptics 3 (1.48%). The findings of the sources on climate change reporting in
the Pakistani press during COP15 (2009) revealed that elite sources dominated
with a proportion of 132 (65.34%). However, Climate change-related
event/incident 40 (19.80%) sources stood at the second position. Consequently,
the elite sources dominated during COP15 (2009).
The findings further revealed that 499
(33.31%) out of the total sources in 111 climate change stories are found
Pakistani press during COP21. Among them, the Climate change-related
event/incident 108 (21.64%), Federal, provincial and local government officials
88 (17.63%), Politician/political party 67 (13.42%), Environmental interest
groups 51 (10.22%), Citizens 37 (7.41%), Educational/research institutions 44
(8.81%), NGOs 36 (7.22%), News agencies 17 (3.42%), Business interest groups 23
(4.61%), Journalists 14 (2.81%), and Skeptics 14 (2.81%). The findings of
sources on climate change reporting in Pakistani press during COP21 (2015)
found that the elite sources dominated with a proportion of 323 (64.72%).
Nevertheless, second number mentions found Climate change-related
event/incident 108 (21.64%) sources. The elite sources also dominated during
COP21 (2015).
Conclusion
This study focuses on the diversity of news sources in climate change
reporting in the Pakistani press during five significant global climate change
events. The findings in response to RO1 and RQ1 revealed that elite sources
dominated in the climate change news stories in Pakistani press with a
proportion of 64.08 percent in the three study newspapers, i.e., Dawn, Jang,
and Kawish during the five significant climate
change events. This study also observed that individually, the higher
proportion of sources is about the Climate change-related event/incident with
19.24 percent. However, Citizen sources or
marginalized sources are found at 8.87 percent only. This number is a meager in
comparison to elite sources. Thus, like previous studies (Althaus
et al., 1996; Cook, 1998; Entman & Page, 1994; Gans, 1979; Gitlin, 2003; Hallin et al., 1993; Lacy & Coulson,
2000; Maddison & Watts, 2012; Powell & Self,
2003; Sigal, 1973; Tanner et al., 2015; Walejko & Ksiazek, 2008; Watts
& Maddison, 2014), it is proved that elite sources dominated in climate change reporting
in Pakistani press.
The findings for
RO2 and RQ2 revealed that the elite sources dominated in the all three
newspapers with Dawn (64.10%), Jang (62.55%) and Kawish (64.95%) collectively in comparison to a very
low representation of Citizen or marginalized sources following Dawn
(8.40%), Jang (9.18%) and Kawish
(9.80%). However, sources representing Climate change-related event/incident
also got a significant proportion with Dawn (18.18%), Jang
(21.55%), and Kawish (19.88%). Nevertheless,
the media-related sources, i.e., News agencies and Journalists, are remaining
ten percent only. Moreover, the findings regarding RO3 and RQ3 also revealed
that the elite sources dominated during global climate change events in
Pakistani press.
Like previous studies (Althaus et al., 1996; Cook, 1998; Entman
& Page, 1994; Gans, 1979; Gitlin,
2003; Hallin et al., 1993; Lacy & Coulson, 2000; Maddison &
Watts, 2012; Powell & Self, 2003; Sigal, 1973;
Tanner et al., 2015; Walejko & Ksiazek, 2008; Watts & Maddison,
2014), this study revealed that elite sources (Federal, provincial and local
government officials, Politicians/political party, Educational/research
institution, NGOs, Business interest groups and Skeptics) dominated in climate
change reporting in Pakistani Press collectively. Nevertheless, individually,
Climate change-related events/incident is represented more than other sources.
The trend dominancy of elite sources is found in the three study newspapers
during the five global events. However, like past studies (Ahva,
2012; Canter, 2013; Jönsson & Örnebring,
2011; Kleemans et al., 2015; Thorbjørnsrud
& Figenschou,
2014) marginalized sources such as Citizen sources are less represented in
Pakistani press. The current study suggests that to know more about the
representation of diverse sources in the Pakistani press, research should be
conducted on both soft and hard issues both to know the representation of
diverse sources in the Pakistani press.
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Rashid Ali Khuhro is pursuing PhD in the Department of
Media and Communication Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences,
University of Malaya, Malaysia. He also serves as a Lecturer in the Centre for
Rural Development Communication at the University of Sindh,
Pakistan. His research interests are quantitative and qualitative content
analysis of news.
Hamedi Mohd Adnan (PhD,
University of Malaya, Malaysia, 2001) is
an Associate Professor in the Department of Media and Communication Studies,
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Malaya. His research focuses
on new media and journalism.
Mohsin Hassan Khan is a doctoral candidate in the
Department of Media and Communication Studies, University of Malaya. His research
areas are Islamophobia, political communication, new
media, and climate change.
Rohail Asghar is a Lecturer in the Department of Media and Communication Studies,
Superior University, Lahore, Pakistan. His research interests are news media
and digital media.
Correspondence to: Hamedi Mohd Adnan, Department of Media
and Communication Studies, Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences, University of
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia –50603.